
          Flag Waving Down South. How Long?: Symbol, Substance, and
Confederate Flag
          By 
            Hanks, Lawrence J.Lawrence J. Hanks 
          Vol. 11, No. 1, 1989, pp. 13, 16
          
          [Editor's Note:]On February 2,
1988, fourteen black legislators were arrested in Alabama as they
symbolically attempted to scale a fence to remove from the dome of the
state capitol the Confederate flag which flies there. The resulting
misdemeanor convictions are being appealed, but the incident brought
into focus renewed efforts to remove symbols of slavery and
segregation from public places. In the essays below, various
Southerners speak their minds about the meaning and significance of
this controversial symbol.
          When the Voting Rights Act was signed into law on August 6, 1965,
it was the end of one long struggle and the beginning of an even
longer one. The Voting Rights Act removed the last legal barrier to
black voter participation, however, the real goal had not been
reached; access to the ballot was only a means to an end--the
socio-economic advancement of black Americans.
          It had long been theorized that once blacks gained access to the
ballot, they would elect other blacks to political office. These newly
elected black officials would enact public policies favorable to the
black community, and the socioeconomic status of the black community
would rise. With the passage of the Voting Rights Act, the theorists
of black political empowerment were no longer hindered from being
practitioners. With the Southern Black Belt and the predominantly
black urban centers as their focus, and proportional representation as
their goal, the black political empowerment theorists were ready to
move to a new stage in the development of black political power.
          After almost a quarter-century of black political participation
without legal racial barriers, there is a consensus amongst those who
keep abreast of developments within the black community: Black
political empowerment, even at its optimal level, cannot bring blacks
to socio-economic parity with whites--it is hard to believe that so
many people thought that it would. Despite the fact that black elected
officials have almost doubled in the last twelve years, black
Americans continue to lag behind whites on all socio-economic
indices. Although there are more blacks in Congress than at any other
time in history, blacks face deteriorating conditions in comparison to
other groups: Half of all black children born in America are born out
of wedlock; the black dropout rate is between 30 percent and 50
percent in several metropolitan areas; black infant mortality and the
black unemployment rate is double that of whites; the black poverty
rate is triple; and blacks account for over 40 percent of the inmates
in federal and state prisons. Thus, it appears that something more
than black elected officials is necessary for black socio-economic
advancement on a large scale.
          This assessment does not diminish the contribution of black elected
officials. In areas where blacks have gained political power, progress
has been made. In many rural Black Belt areas, black elected officials
have provided a variety of symbolic and material benefits. These
benefits include group pride, a lessening of police brutality,
improved access to public officials, more job training, street lights,
paved streets, and increased services from the county and the
city. Urban areas, in addition to the aforementioned benefits, have

been generally successful with strong affirmative action programs for
hiring and contracts. In all areas, one can safely say that while
blacks have been relatively successful in bringing about public sector
benefits, there has been relatively little success at winning benefits
from the private sector. Moreover, the theorized transformation of
political power into socio-economic power has not been realized.
          Now, black Americans are looking for substantive solutions to
ubiquitous concrete problems. While blacks who first gained elective
offices soon after the passage of the Voting Rights Act represented
great symbolic victories, the symbolic euphoria of the late 196OB and
early 197OB has given way to the demands for substantive public policy
in the late '70B and '80B. It is not enough to have black people in
office--these blacks must develop public policies which will make a
difference in the lives of black Americans. Given the constraints on
black elected officials, and the nature of the capitalist system, it
can be reasonably argued that political power is not enough--black
socio-economic advancement on a large level will require a concerted
effort from the economic and social sectors of our society.
          Thus, after over a century of touting political power as the major
tool of socio-economic advancement, the theory of black political
empowerment has been found wanting. It is within this context that one
can understand the challenge facing the NAACP as it attempts to have
the flag removed from atop the various state houses.
          The flag removal effort is coming at a time when America's black
community is looking for concrete answers to concrete problems. The
flag removal effort is viewed by most observers, black and white, as a
symbolic campaign; in other words, even if the campaign was successful
and the flags were removed, blacks as a group would continue to face
the same problems. Thus, the use of scarce resources for this campaign
is viewed by a large portion of the black community as a less than
optimal use of resources.
          The NAACP led the legal battles which helped to create a climate
for implementing the theory of black political empowerment. Now, black
Americans are seeking other ways to reach socioeconomic
parity. Although a strong case can be made for the removal of the flag
based on symbolism, the NAACP cannot expect to garner widespread black
support until a connection can be made between socioeconomic
well-being and the flying of the flag.
          Black and white Americans waged a vigorous battle to gain the right
to vote for black Americans. However, the scarce resources of the
enfranchisement movement were not mobilized for the sake of simply
voting. Voting was a means to an end--the socio-economic parity of
black Americans. Symbolism is not enough in this day of scarce
resources. If there is a negative connection between the official
governmental display of the Confederate battle flag and the wellbeing
of black Americans, it would be in the best interest of the removal
effort, and of black people, for the NAACP to explicate this
connection. Until this is done, the removal of the Confederate battle
flag will simply be another just cause which lacks the public support
necessary for a favorable resolution.
          
            Dr. Lawrence J. Hanks chairs the political science department at
Tuskegee University.
          
        